Showing posts with label bob dole. Show all posts
Showing posts with label bob dole. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 16, 2022

November 16, 1995: The Gingrich Tantrum

November 16, 1995: President Bill Clinton's victory in the federal government shutdown is sealed when the New York Daily News prints a front-page cartoon, showing the Speaker of the House, and the leader of the Republican Party's move to make drastic cuts in the federal budget, as a "cry baby."

After the failure of his health care initiative in 1994, Clinton saw his Democratic Party battered in the midterm elections, with the Republicans taking both houses of Congress. Bob Dole, from Russell, Kansas, regained the office of Senate Majority Leader that he had held in 1985 and 1986, having been the Minority Leader from 1987 to 1994.

And Gingrich, a Pennsylvania native who moved to the Atlanta suburb of Marietta, Georgia to teach at a college, and was first elected to Congress in 1978 and used fiery rhetoric to get into the Republican Party's leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1989, became the Speaker of the House.
Dole was considered mean, a reputation he got in his 1976 Vice Presidential debate with Walter Mondale, and deepened in his 1988 Presidential run. But, politically speaking, he was still a center-right candidate, willing to compromise for the greater good of the country. Gingrich was not: He was frequently called a "firebrand" and a "bombthrower."

Like most politicians, especially Republicans, he wanted to balance the federal budget. But his plan severely cut social services -- and also seriously cut taxes, especially on the wealthy. This didn't work when Ronald Reagan was President in the 1980s, and actually created the harsh economic conditions that led to Clinton's election in 1992. As we have since seen, it didn't work in 2001, and it didn't work in 2017. It would not have worked in 1995.

Every year, the federal budget takes effect on October 1. To put it another way: "Fiscal Year 1996" ran from October 1, 1995 to September 30, 1996. If no deal between Congress and the President is in place by October 1, they can pass a "continuing resolution," or "CR": For the length of the resolution, the proportions of the previous fiscal year continue.

But Clinton and the Republicans controlling Congress couldn't reach a deal by September 30. So they passed a CR that ran until November 13. But the Republicans refused to pass a new budget or a new CR by November 14. So, at 12:00 Midnight on November 13, the federal government shut down, because it was not legally permitted to spend any more money. People were still working for it, but without pay.

And the Republicans went before the media and said it was Clinton's fault. Except Clinton also went before the media, and pointed out that he was still willing to make a deal, and the Republicans weren't. Finally, he called Dole and Gingrich into the Oval Office. So often willing to compromise on things, seemingly desperate to get re-elected, not wanting to be a one-term President like 3 of the last 4 (Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and George H.W. Bush), but angering many in his own party, Clinton stiffened his spine, and told them, "I don't care if I go down to 5 percent in the polls. If you want that budget signed into law, you're going to have to get somebody else behind this desk."

For once, Clinton held his ground. And polls showed that more people supported his stance than the Republicans' stance. Once the Daily News printed that front page, and blow-ups of it were displayed on the floor of the very House of which Gingrich was Speaker -- by a Representative from Brooklyn, later to be Senate Majority Leader, Chuck Schumer -- their approval rating plummeted. It has never again reached its 1995 height.

Clinton had invited Dole and Gingrich to go with him to the funeral of the assassinated Prime Minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin -- certainly, a gesture of respect, if not reconciliation. But the article accompanying the cartoon alleged that, on the flight back, Gingrich wanted to talk about the budget impasse, Clinton didn't, and Clinton made Gingrich get off Air Force One at the back entrance, and Gingrich got upset about these developments.

As comedian Dick Gregory told Clinton at an NAACP convention the following year, "He got upset because you made him a Negro!" Everybody in the audience laughed at the reference to black people being segregated to the backs of buses up until 1955. Clinton couldn't have made that joke himself, but Gregory could.

Did Clinton "make" Gingrich get off at the back of the plane? Was it true? Only Clinton and Gingrich know for sure. The problem was, given Gingrich's own actions over the 17 years he'd served in Congress to that point, the story was completely believable. He had lived by the persona of a guy who tapped into people's emotions, and now, politically, he was dying by them.

Leading an opposition and leading a majority are two very different things, and while some skills cross over, some do not. Gingrich's tantrums had worked pretty well when he was in the opposition to House Democrats like his predecessors as Speaker, Jim Wright of Texas and Tom Foley of Washington State. They did not work when he had a position of power, and they certainly didn't work against a political talent like Clinton. It was like, "Welcome to the major leagues, Newt."
That front page became the Daily News' 2nd-best-known ever, trailing only the October 30, 1975 front page concerning another budget mess, that of New York City, when President Gerald Ford refused to use federal money to bail the City out. The News' front page read, "FORD TO CITY: DROP DEAD." That headline probably cost Ford the State of New York in the 1976 election, and thus the election itself. Having brought down a President, now, 20 years later, the News was bringing down a Speaker. Not yet, though: Time magazine would name Gingrich its Man of the Year for 1995.

Finally, on November 19, the Republicans caved. And when the general election campaign got underway, the Democrats aired commercials showing Dole and Gingrich together so many times, it began to look like Gingrich was Dole's running mate, instead of his actual choice, Jack Kemp, former pro quarterback and Congressman from New York.

Once the Democrats had their convention, Clinton and his running mate, Vice President Al Gore, solidified their lead, and Dole and Kemp never really challenged them. Dole didn't run a bad campaign, but once Clinton won the battle over the budget, Dole never had a chance, unless there was a new "Clinton scandal" bigger than anything that had happened to that point.

What no one yet knew was that the government shutdown, at the same time that it was securing Clinton's win, was also setting the stage for such a scandal: Among the volunteers working in the White House during the government shutdown was a young woman named Monica Lewinsky.

But the public's backlash against the Republicans' effort to impeach Clinton led to the Democrats gaining seats in the 1998 Congressional elections. Gingrich's marital infidelities had been at least as notorious as Clinton's, and the Republicans didn't care. But now, they cared: To the conservative movement, everything is acceptable except losing, and Gingrich was forced to step down, not just from the Speakership but from Congress.

*

November 16, 1995 was a Thursday. The baseball season was over. Football was in midweek. There were 5 games played in the NBA that night:

* The New York Knicks beat the Golden State Warriors, 120-97 at the Oakland Coliseum Arena.

* The Orlando Magic beat the Indiana Pacers, 89-80 at the Orlando Arena.

* The Houston Rockets beat the Milwaukee Bucks, 115-87 at the Bradley Center in Milwaukee. Robert Horry led all NBA players on the night, with 40 points.

* The Los Angeles Clippers beat the expansion Vancouver Grizzlies, 103-98 at the Los Angeles Memorial Sports Arena. (The Grizzlies moved to Memphis in 2001.)

* And the Sacramento Kings beat the Portland Trail Blazers, 105-102 at the Rose Garden in Portland. (It's now named the Moda Center.)

There were 7 games played in the NHL, and all 3 of the New York Tri-State Area teams were in action:

* The New Jersey Devils, the Stanley Cup holders, played the Boston Bruins to a tie, 2-2 at the new FleetCenter in Boston. (It's now named the TD Garden.) The Meadowlands Marauders came from 2-0 down in the 3rd period, to salvage a point thanks to goals from Ricard Persson and Valeri Zelepukin.

* The New York Rangers weren't so lucky: They lost to the Chicago Blackhawks, 3-1 at the United Center in Chicago.

* The New York Islanders weren't even that lucky: They lost to the Los Angeles Kings, 9-2 at The Forum outside Los Angeles in Inglewood, California. Wayne Gretzky only got 1 of the Kings' goals.

* The Philadelphia Flyers beat the Ottawa Senators, 5-3 at The Spectrum in Philadelphia.

* The Toronto Maple Leafs beat the Tampa Bay Lightning, 5-4 at the ThunderDome in St. Petersburg, Florida. (It's now named Tropicana Field. The following season, the Lightning moved into what's now named the Amalie Arena.) Former Islander Benoit Hogue scored the winner, just 32 seconds into overtime.

* The Florida Panthers and the Vancouver Canucks played to a tie, 2-2 at the Miami Arena.

* And the St. Louis Blues beat the San Jose Sharks, 3-1 at the Kiel Center in St. Louis. (It's now named the Enterprise Center.) 

Tuesday, November 8, 2022

November 8, 1994: The Gingrich Revolution

November 8, 1994: Election Day is a repudiation of the Democratic Party, in particular of President Bill Clinton, his now-withdrawn health care reform plan, and his Assault Weapons Ban. The Republican Party gains 52 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, giving them control of that body for the 1st time in 40 years, and making Newt Gingrich of Georgia the Speaker. It also gains 9 seats in the U.S. Senate, giving them control of that body for the 1st time in 8 years, returning Bob Dole of Kansas to the office of Senate Majority Leader.

In New York State, Mario Cuomo is defeated for a 4th term as Governor by Peekskill Mayor George Pataki. In Texas, George W. Bush, son of the most recent Republican President, is elected Governor, defeating the State's 1st female Governor, Ann Richards. Bush's brother, John Ellis "Jeb" Bush, narrowly loses to Governor Lawton Chiles of Florida. I suspect that, had it not been for the Savings & Loan Scandal, another brother, Neil Bush, would have run for Governor of Colorado.

Among the new Republicans elected to the Senate: Bill Frist of Tennessee, later the Senate Majority Leader; Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, who ran for President in 2012 and 2016; Mike DeWine of Ohio, later elected Governor; and Representative Olympia Snowe of Maine, who was married to John "Jock" McKernan, then wrapping up his 2nd and last term as Governor.

In addition, Senators Richard Shelby of Alabama and Ben Nighthorse Campbell of Colorado switched parties to become Republicans. Shelby had previously called himself "the most conservative member of the Senate"; and Campbell, then the only Native American in either house of Congress (a member of the Cheyenne tribe), was more of a Western libertarian than a traditional conservative, but favored gun rights. So neither switch was a big surprise, although they didn't exactly show courage by jumping ship after the election.

Gingrich knew that it wasn't enough to be against Clinton, or against Democrats in general: You had to give the voters something to vote for. He had a 10-point "Contract With America," which includes some reforms of Congress itself, including some items that Democrats were willing to work with them to pass, if with some minor adjustments. But some were drastic, and opposed by most Americans.
The backlash that hit him even before he could take office as Speaker led to him, with Christmas coming up, to being compared with two of the villains of pop-culture Christmas: Time compared him to Ebenezer Scrooge of Charles Dickens' A Christmas Carol, while Newsweek compared him to the title character of How the Grinch Stole Christmas.
As promised, all 10 items passed the House in the 1st 100 days of Republican control. And 9 of them passed the Senate. But some of these, including a radical reform of the nation's welfare laws, and a significant tax cut for the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans, were vetoed by Clinton.

The 1 item that passed the Senate, but not by enough, was an Amendment to the Constitution requiring that the federal budget be balanced. On its face, this seemed like a good idea. The devil was in the details: Because Republican Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush had run the federal budget deficit so high in their 12 consecutive years in the White House, balancing the budget would have required significant spending cuts to Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, educational spending, and environmental spending. The Republicans were fine with all of that. But they weren't willing to cut spending on new military projects, and Clinton and the Democrats called them out on that.

In the end, requiring a 2/3rds "supermajority" of both houses on Congress -- 290 votes in the House, and 67 in the Senate, instead of a simple majority of 218 and 51, respectively -- the Amendment fell 1 vote short in the Senate.

One Republican voted against it: Mark Hatfield of Oregon. As a former Governor of a State whose budget was already constitutionally required to be balanced -- a lot easier, since States have far lesser, and lesser-ranging, expenses than the country at large, but by no means easy -- Hatfield understood that the Amendment would have been dangerous. It would have cast millions of people into poverty, made things worse for those already poor, and might even have killed people.

And so, the battle was on: Gingrich would lead a Congressional campaign for 1996 on a revised Contract with America, while Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole of Kansas would be the Republican nominee for President, supporting it; and Clinton would run for re-election, calling the Republican proposal "the Contract On America," and making the increasingly unpopular Gingrich "Dole's running mate," no matter who Dole ultimately selected to be his Vice Presidential nominee. Gingrich's successes in early 1995 led Time magazine to name him its Man of the Year.
(Dole chose Jack Kemp, former pro quarterback, an 18-year Congressman where he became one of the champions of tax-cutters, an unsuccessful Presidential candidate in 1988, and President Bush's Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.)

In the end, Clinton was re-elected solidly over Dole, but the Democrats were unable to take back either house of Congress. Over the course of his 2nd term, even as the Republicans tried to impeach Clinton over things that were none of their, or the American people's, concern, failing to get conviction and removal, they were forced to work with him. In 1997, the federal budget was balanced. Clinton, Gingrich, Dole, and Dole's successor as Senate Majority Leader, Trent Lott of Mississippi, could all legitimately claim some credit for that.

But the Republicans' effort to remove Clinton from office angered many Americans, and, incredibly unusual for a party in its 6th straight year of holding the White House, the Democrats actually gained seats in the 1998 Congressional election. Gingrich resigned later that week, pressured into it not because of his own personal and legal failings, in each case worse than Clinton's, but because he had failed as a leader. The conservative movement will accept anything except failure.

The evangelical takeover of the Republican Party became complete with the election of George W. Bush, son of the former President, in 2000. Like Richard Nixon before him, Gingrich bided his time, mended some fences, supported Republican candidates wherever he could, and built a new constituency. In 2008, Barack Obama was elected President, and Gingrich ran for the Republican nomination to beat him for re-election in 2012. He won some Primaries, but his personal scandals came back to haunt him, and he lost too many Primaries to continue.

At the age of 79, he is now seen as an elder statesman in the Party, but, as long as Donald Trump is its emotional leader, the last true "ideas man" in the Republican Party has no place in directing its course.

UPDATE: As of the 2024 election, no Republican freshman elected to the House in 1994 is still in it. But 2 Democrats elected then are: Zoe Lofgren of California and Lloyd Doggett of Texas. Roger Wicker was elected as a Republican from Mississippi, and was elected to the Senate in 2008, and still serves, making him the last remaining "Newtoid."

*

November 8, 1994 was a Tuesday. The baseball players were on strike, and the season would have been over by this point, anyway. The NHL players were locked out, meaning that 2 of the "Big Four" sports in North America were stopped cold due to management's unfairness to the players. And football was in midweek. But there were 5 games in the NBA:

* The New York Knicks beat the Los Angeles Lakers, 117-113 at Madison Square Garden.

* The Houston Rockets beat the Cleveland Cavaliers, 100-98 at the Gund Arena (now the Rocket Mortgage FieldHouse) in Cleveland.

* The Detroit Pistons beat the Minnesota Timberwolves, 126-112 at The Palace in the Detroit suburb of Auburn Hills, Michigan. Joe Dumars scored 40 points.

* The Denver Nuggets beat the Dallas Mavericks, 115-107 at the Reunion Arena in Dallas. Jim Jackson scored 37 points for the Mavs, but the Nugs won thanks it part to 28 points from Rodney Rogers.

* And the Golden State Warriors beat the Miami Heat, 121-114 at the Oakland Coliseum Arena.

Saturday, November 5, 2022

November 5, 1996: President Bill Clinton Is Re-Elected

November 5, 1996: President Bill Clinton is re-elected, winning 379 Electoral Votes to Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole's 159. Clinton wins 49.2 percent of the popular vote, while Dole wins 40.7, and Reform Party candidate Ross Perot wins 8.4 percent but no Electoral Votes.

Clinton went over the necessary 270 Electoral Votes with the States that closed at 9:00 PM, Eastern Time.

After the failure of his health care initiative in 1994, Clinton saw his Democratic Party battered in the midterm elections, with the Republicans taking both houses of Congress. Dole, from Russell, Kansas -- always mentioning his hometown, not just his State -- had first been elected to Congress in 1960, and to the U.S. Senate in 1968. He was nominated for Vice President under Gerald Ford in 1976. He ran for President in 1980, but didn't get far. He became Senate Majority Leader after the election of 1984, but the Democrats regained the Senate in 1986, making him the Minority Leader.

He ran for President again in 1988, and finished 2nd in delegates to Vice President George H.W. Bush, who was elected. In 1992, Clinton beat Bush to become President-elect. The next morning, mere hours after Clinton clinched victory in a 3-man race in which Perot got 19 percent of the popular vote (but no Electoral Votes), Dole pointed out, "57 percent of Americans did not vote for Bill Clinton, and I intend to represent that majority on the floor of the U.S. Senate. If Bill Clinton has a mandate, then so do I."

Clinton was now 1-0 in Presidential elections. Dole was 0-2, 0-3 if you count 1976. Clinton got just under 45 million votes for President. Dole got 2.3 million votes in the 1988 Republican Primaries. Dole himself had just been re-elected to the Senate in 1992, with 244,000 votes. And he then represented a caucus of 43 Senators. He was in no position to claim any majority, especially against a man who had just gotten almost 45 million votes. The 57 percent of American voters who chose someone other than Clinton? As far as I know, not one of them voted for Bob Dole for President, not even as a write-in candidate.

But the '94 election restored Dole to the post of Majority Leader. And Newt Gingrich, a Pennsylvania native who moved to Georgia to teach at a college, and was first elected to Congress in 1978 and used fiery rhetoric to get into the Republican Party's leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1989, became the Speaker of the House.

Dole was considered mean, a reputation he got in his 1976 Vice Presidential debate with Walter Mondale, and deepened in his 1988 Presidential run. But, politically speaking, he was still a center-right candidate, willing to compromise for the greater good of the country. Gingrich was not: He was frequently called a "firebrand" and a "bombthrower."

Like most politicians, especially Republicans, he wanted to balance the federal budget. But his plan severely cut social services -- and also seriously cut taxes, especially on the wealthy. This didn't work when Ronald Reagan was President in the 1980s, and actually created the conditions that led to Clinton's election in 1992. As we have since seen, it didn't work in 2001, and it didn't work in 2017. It would not have worked in 1995.

Every year, the federal budget takes effect on October 1. That is, "Fiscal Year 1996" ran from October 1, 1995 to September 30, 1996. If no deal between Congress and the President is in place by October 1, they can pass a "continuing resolution": For the length of the resolution, the proportions of the previous fiscal year continue.

But Clinton and the Republicans controlling Congress couldn't reach a deal by September 30. So they passed a continuing resolution that ran until November 13. But the Republicans refused to pass a new one by November 14. So, at midnight on November 13, the government shut down.

And the Republicans went before the media and said it was Clinton's fault. Except Clinton also went before the media, and pointed out that he was still willing to make a deal, and the Republicans weren't. Finally, he called Dole and Gingrich into the Oval Office. So often willing to compromise on things, seemingly desperate to get re-elected, but angering many in his own party, Clinton told them, "I don't care if I go down to 5 percent in the polls. If you want that budget signed into law, you're going to have to get somebody else behind this desk."

For once, Clinton held his ground. And polls showed that more people supported his stance than the Republicans' stance. Their approval rating plummeted. Finally, on November 19, they caved. And when the general election campaign got underway, the Democrats aired commercials showing Dole and Gingrich together so many times, it began to look like Gingrich was Dole's running mate.

Having been the Republican nominee for Vice President in 1976, and having run for the Republican nomination for President in 1980 and 1988, Dole had practically been running for President in the 1996 election since the day after the 1992 election ended. Politically-themed comedian Mark Russell, who was 10 years younger than Dole, and specialized in rewriting pre-rock-and-roll songs for political issues of the time, wrote for one of his periodic TV specials on PBS:

This old man, Robert Dole
has the White House as his goal.
For 20 years, there in his eye, a glint.
This old man can't take a hint.

And yet, Russell followed this song by saying, "I'm thinking of voting for Bob Dole. I figure it'll be the last chance to have a President who's older than I am!" (UPDATE: He turned out to be right, living to see the Presidencies of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and Joe Biden, all younger.)

Dole officially announced his candidacy on April 10, 1995. Despite losing the New Hampshire Primary to Pat Buchanan, an archconservative journalist who had previously worked for Presidents, Nixon, Ford and Reagan, he won enough Delegates to secure the nomination on March 19, 1996.

He traveled the country on a plane he named, after his position in the Senate, Leader Ship. Then he rolled the dice, and resigned from the Senate on June 11, to show the American people he was focused only on the election: "I have nowhere to go, except the White House, or home." He changed his plane's name to Citizen Ship.

(Dole was succeeded as Majority Leader by his Majority Whip, Trent Lott of Mississippi. He remains the highest-ranking native of that State in American politics.)

At the Republican Convention, at the San Diego Convention Center, Dole chose a real running mate: Jack Kemp, former pro quarterback, former Congressman from Buffalo, New York, a 1988 Presidential candidate like Dole, and Secretary of Housing and Urban Development under President Bush. Kemp had long been the darling of the conservative tax-cut movement, and boosted Dole in the polls.

In his acceptance speech, on August 15, Dole said, "Let me be the bridge to an America that only the unknowing call myth. Let me be the bridge to a time of tranquility, faith, and confidence in action." This was a blunder: In his acceptance speech, at the United Center in Chicago, Clinton said, "We do not need to build a bridge to the past. We need to build a bridge to the future, all the way to the 21st Century!"

After that, Clinton and his running mate, Vice President Al Gore, solidified their lead, and Dole and Kemp never really got close to them. Near the end of the campaign, Dole tried to make a big deal about Clinton's "scandals," but nobody could pin anything on him. And Clinton seemed to be handling his role as Commander-in-Chief well. And, just as in 1992, the issue of "the economy, stupid" helped him: This time, he was in charge, and it was doing well.

Dole didn't run a bad campaign, but once Clinton won the battle over the budget, Dole never had a chance.

Comedian Mort Sahl, closing in on half of century of joking about politicians of both parties, said, "There were 4 million people in the American colonies, and we had Washington, Adams, Jefferson and Franklin. Now, we have over 200 million, and the top 2 guys are Clinton and Dole. What can you draw from this? Darwin was wrong!"

What no one yet knew was that the government shutdown, at the same time that it was securing Clinton's win, was also setting the stage for the biggest crisis of his Presidency: Among the volunteers working in the White House during the government shutdown, and was among the young staffers welcoming him back to the White House with a hug the day after the election, was a young woman named Monica Lewinsky.

The Robert J. Dole Institute of Politics was established at the University of Kansas in 2003, on the occasion of Dole's 80th birthday. It performs some of the same functions as a Presidential Library, but it is not the same thing. Dole died in 2021, at the age of 98.

*

November 5, 1996, like all modern U.S. Election Days, was a Tuesday. The baseball season was over. Football was in midweek. But there were 10 games played in the NBA that day:

* The New York Knicks lost to the Los Angeles Lakers, 98-92 at Madison Square Garden. Shaquille O'Neal scored 26 points.
 
* The Detroit Pistons beat the Philadelphia 76ers, 83-81 at the new CoreStates Center (now the Xfinity Mobile Arena) in Philadelphia.

* The Toronto Raptors beat the Dallas Mavericks, 100-96 at the SkyDome in Toronto. (It's now named the Rogers Centre.) Walt Williams scored 34 for the Raptors.

* The San Antonio Spurs beat the Cleveland Cavaliers, 74-68 at the Gund Arena in Cleveland. (It's now named the Rocket Arena.)

* The Chicago Bulls beat the Vancouver Grizzlies, 96-73 at the United Center in Chicago. Michael Jordan led the scoring with 22 points.

* The Los Angeles Clippers beat the Denver Nuggets, 82-78 at the McNichols Arena in Denver.

* The Minnesota Timberwolves beat the Phoenix Suns, 98-95 at the AmericaWest Arena (now the Mortgage Matchup Center) in Phoenix.

* The Portland Trail Blazers beat the Golden State Warriors, 111-93 at the Oakland Coliseum Arena.

* The Houston Rockets beats the Sacramento Kings, 102-80 at the Arco Arena in Sacramento. (It's now named the Sleep Train Arena.) Hakeem Olajuwon matched his uniform number by scoring 34 points.

* And the Atlanta Hawks beat the Seattle SuperSonics, 117-95 at the KeyArena in Seattle.

Only 1 NHL game was played, and it wasn't in the country holding the election: The Toronto Maple Leafs beat the St. Louis Blues, 6-3 at Maple Leaf Gardens in Toronto. 

Wednesday, November 2, 2022

November 2, 1976: Jimmy Carter Is Elected President

Note the 2nd line of the headline:
Gotta get that local angle in.

November 2, 1976: Former Governor Jimmy Carter of Georgia edges incumbent President Gerald Ford, to reclaim the White House for the Democratic Party.

Ford had been Vice President when President Richard Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974. He was left with a recession he struggled to get under control, and the aftermath of the Watergate scandal that brought Nixon down. A month later, Ford pardoned Nixon for all crimes he committed, or may have committed, as President. That infuriated people who wanted to believe that Ford would be the honest man that Nixon wasn't.

Carter capitalized on that, telling voters, "I will never lie to you." It seemed to work: That statement, and the fact that he wasn't a "Washington insider" like so many other candidates for the Democratic nomination, made Carter stand out from the pack. At the Democratic Convention at Madison Square Garden, he took one of those insiders, Senator Walter Mondale of Minnesota, as his Vice Presidential nominee. The Carter-Mondale ticket left New York with a 33-point lead in the polls.

It didn't help Ford that he had waffled on a federal bailout for New York City's government, which was close to bankruptcy. At first, he refused, leading to the famous Daily News headline: "FORD TO CITY: DROP DEAD." That scared New York State officials, so they stepped in and helped the City get its house a little closer to being in order. That convinced Ford that a smaller bailout was okay.

So now, Ford had ticked off people in the City who thought he didn't care, and he'd ticked off conservatives in the Republican Party who didn't want any bailout for the city they hated the most. (Yes, conservatives hate New York more than they hate Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago or Boston.) To try to win the conservatives back, Ford announced that his original choice for Vice President, Nelson Rockefeller, himself a former Governor of New York, would not be the Party's nominee for the office in 1976.

That wasn't good enough. Ronald Reagan, who had been an actor and then Governor of California, was the darling of the conservative movement, and he challenged Ford in the Republican Primaries, and got almost enough Delegates to dethrone him at the Republican Convention at the Kemper Arena in Kansas City. (The building is now named the Hy-Vee Arena.) Ford chose Senator Bob Dole of Kansas as his new running mate.

Twenty years later, himself nominated for President, Dole would seem too moderate for current Republicans. But in 1976, he was considered acceptable by the Reagan wing of the Party. Which shows just how far to the right the Party had shifted, even by 1996.

Before the Republican Convention, Carter led Ford in the polls by a whopping 33 points. But things began to turn Ford's way. He went on a railroad "whistle-stop tour" like Harry Truman in 1948, because his "Rose Garden strategy" of staying in the White House and "acting Presidential" wasn't working.

He shored up support in the South, the Midwest and the West, leading conservative New York Times columnist William Safire, who had been a speechwriter for Nixon, to coin the phrase "The Winning West," saying that it had become more important than "The Solid South." Dole brought some supporters back. The economy finally began to improve, after the 1st-ever combination of unemployment and inflation, a.k.a. "stagflation," in American history in 1973, '74 and '75.

And the Carter campaign made enough minor mis-steps that Carter's drop in the polls mirrored what might have happened if he'd had one major mis-step. Indeed, it could be argued that, despite winning the Presidency, Carter's political stock was never higher than during the 1976 Democratic Convention.

And while he was pro-civil rights, there was still a stigma: No Southerner had been elected President without first being the Vice President since Zachary Taylor in 1848. (Woodrow Wilson had been born in Virginia, but was a New Jersey-based politician. And he was the only Southern-born politician even nominated between 1848 and 1976.)

There were some zingers, but nothing really nasty. Ford questioned Carter's experience, and Carter responded by saying that, if experience were the deciding factor, "we would have kept Richard Nixon." There was a brief question about Ford's taxes, and the special counsel investigating decided there was not enough evidence to recommend charges. But before that decision, Carter addressed it very deftly: "I don't know what the facts are about Mr. Ford and his income tax. He does!" The implication being, "What's he hiding? Haven't we had enough of that?"

Ford attacked what he perceived to be Carter's weakness and indecisiveness: "He wanders, he wavers, he waffles, and he wiggles!" He also said, "There was a great, great President, many years ago, named Teddy Roosevelt, who said, 'Speak softly and carry a big stick.' Jimmy Carter speaks loudly, and carries a fly swatter!" One day, he delivered his stump speech 10 times. By the 9th time, he was so tired, it came out "fly swapper"; on the 10th try, "fly spotter." Still, each man seemed to be enjoying himself on the campaign trail.

But the debates doomed Ford. In one, he was asked about Soviet influence in Eastern Europe, and said, "There is no Soviet domination in Eastern Europe, and there never will be under a Ford Administration." This statement was meant to suggest that he wouldn't let it happen. But most people knew that it had already happened, long before he took office, and it fed into the idea that Ford -- a graduate of the University of Michigan and Yale Law School, 2 of America's finest institutions of higher learning -- was dumb.

And in the Vice Presidential debate, Dole attacked the Democrats by saying that World War I, World War II, the Korean War and the Vietnam War were "all Democrat wars." This was completely stupid: The Vietnam War started under Dole's idol, fellow Kansan Dwight D. Eisenhower; and the others, once Democratic Presidents got America involved, Republicans in Congress wholeheartedly supported the war efforts. Indeed, with World War I, Republicans wanted it more than Democrats; and in World War II, Republicans didn't want to get involved at first, because they supported the fascist Axis against the Soviet Union.

On Election Day, November 2, the race was a virtual dead heat in the final poll. When the votes were tallied, it was definitive, but just barely. Carter got 40.8 million votes, Ford 39.1 million; Carter got 50.1 percent of the popular vote, Ford 48.0; Carter won only 23 States, to Ford's 27; but Carter's States added up to 297 Electoral Votes, Ford's to 240.

How close was it? Carter won Mississippi's 7 EVs by 15,000 votes, Wisconsin's 11 by 36,000, and Missouri's 12 by 61,000. Shift those 122,000 votes to Ford, and the EV count would have been Ford 271, Carter 267.

Carter won Pennsylvania by 123,000 votes. But shifting that 1 State, with 27 EVs, wouldn't have been enough to swing the election to Ford. Shifting New York would have been: Carter won it by 288,767 votes. Shift its 41 EVs, and it would have been Ford 281, Carter 256.

Ford's supporters were left to wonder. If only:

* Nixon had resigned a little sooner, giving Ford more time to turn things around.

* Ford hadn't pardoned Nixon, killing off some of the massive goodwill with which he began his Administration.

* Ford had given New York City the bailout at first, he could have won New York -- but he might not have won close States like Oregon, Maine, Virginia, and, most notably, Reagan's home State of California with its 45 EVs.

* Reagan had dropped out of the Primaries after losing Illinois, where he was born and raised, to Ford, allowing Ford to consolidate his intraparty support sooner.

* The economy had begun to improve, even a little bit sooner.

* Ford had come up with a better debate answer on Eastern Europe.

* Dole had come up with a better debate answer on foreign policy.

Had any one of those things happened, instead of what did happen, Ford could well have won, and continued as President all the way until January 20, 1981.

Already having big majorities in both houses of Congress, there wasn't much for the Democratic Party to gain there: They added just 1 seat in the House, giving them 292 seats; and 1 in the Senate, giving them 61. Neither major party has had that many since.

Among the new Senators elected were Democrats Howard Metzenbaum of Ohio (who beat Bob Taft Jr., son of a Senate Majority Leader and grandson of a President), Daniel Patrick "Pat" Moynihan of New York; and Republicans Richard Lugar of Indiana, Orrin Hatch of Utah, John Heinz of Pennsylvania (of the Pittsburgh condiment-making family), and Harrison Schmitt of New Mexico (who walked on the Moon on the Apollo 17 mission).

Maybe Ford was better off for having lost: Carter was left with the energy crisis, a hard situation in Iran, and a new round of recession and inflation. If Ford had what amounted to a 2nd term, he might have struggled just as much (if not with exactly the same attempted solutions), and he might now be considered one of the country's worst Presidents, if a well-meaning one.

Time magazine named Carter their Man of the Yar for 1976. He started his Inaugural Address by thanking "my predecessor, for all he has done to heal our land." That healed some of the bitterness that had come up between them during the campaign, and the two men remained on friendly terms for the rest of Ford's life, which came to a close in 2006, at the age of 93. At the time, Ford was the longest-lived President in American history. At 98, and still alive at this writing, Carter now holds that title. (UPDATE: Carter became the 1st President to live to reach a 100th birthday, dying shortly after it.)

The 1976 campaign remains the last one to date that was relatively civil. In 1980, Reagan and the Republicans ran a campaign that terribly mocked Carter, and it worked. As time has gone by, Presidential elections gotten nastier and nastier. The zingers that Ford and Carter traded in the Bicentennial Year now seem rather quaint by comparison.

Also on Election Day 1976, New Jersey voters approved casino gambling in Atlantic City. This would one day have repercussions in another Presidential race, as Donald Trump ran in 2016 despite building 3 casino-hotels in A.C., and having them all go bankrupt. Some businessman he turned out to be.

There's a Jimmy Carter Presidential Parkway and a Jimmy Carter Boulevard in his home State of Georgia. A statue of him stands outside the State Capitol in Atlanta. The city is also home to his Presidential Library, and the Carter Center, an institute dedicated to peaceful change all over the world. They opened on October 1, 1986, his 62nd birthday. Given his U.S. Navy experience, it was appropriate that a nuclear-powered submarine was named the USS Jimmy Carter, SSN-23, in service since 2004.

While he was born and raised in Los Angeles, actor Richard Paul had become known for his impressions, and his impression of Carter led to him being cast as Mayor Teddy Burnside in the sitcom Carter Country, which aired on ABC in the 1977-78 and 1978-79 TV seasons. In a retroactive irony -- Bill Clinton was first elected Governor of Arkansas in 1978 -- the name of the fictional Georgia town on the show was Clinton Corners. The TV show The Dukes of Hazzard, based in a fictional Georgia County, also debuted during Carter's Presidency. While it was filmed in 1976, the Georgia-based movie Smokey & the Bandit premiered in 1977.
Statue, State House, Atlanta, Georgia

Carter remains the only President born in, or representing, Georgia.

Carter has been played by Dan Aykroyd on Saturday Night Live, Ed Beheler in Sextette in 1978 and Hot Shots! Part Deux in 1993, and Brad Maynard in the pilot of the 1st live-action TV version of the superhero comedy The Tick in 2001. (A Soviet robot had been programmed specifically to kill Carter, not whoever was currently President, and was revived in what was then the present day.)

UPDATE: Carter became the 1st President to live to be 100 years old, on October 1, 2024. He had said he wanted to live long enough to vote for Kamala Harris over Donald Trump in the election on November 5. He did. He died on December 29.

*

November 2, 1976, like all Election Days in modern American history, was a Tuesday. The baseball season was over. The football season was in midweek. There were 4 games played in the NBA that day:

* The Milwaukee Bucks beat the Seattle SuperSonics, 125-113 at the Milwaukee Exposition, Convention Center and Arena, or "The MECCA." Since 2014, it has been named the UW-Panther Arena. Bod Dandridge scored 37 points.

* The New Orleans Jazz beat the Boston Celtics, 115-97 at the Superdome in New Orleans. "Pistol Pete" Maravich scored 43 for the Jazz, who moved to Utah in 1979.

* The Golden State Warriors beat the Detroit Pistons, 111-98 at the Oakland Coliseum Arena.

* And the Portland Trail Blazers beat the Atlanta Hawks, 129-116 at the Veterans Memorial Coliseum in Portland.

There were 2 games in the NHL:

* The New York Islanders beat the Colorado Rockies, 5-1 at the McNichols Arena in Denver. This was the Rockies' 1st season in Denver. They would play 6 there, making the Playoffs only in 1978, before moving to become the New Jersey Devils in 1982.

* And the Pittsburgh Penguins beat the Los Angeles Kings, 7-1 at the Civic Arena in Pittsburgh.

In the World Hockey Association:

* The Phoenix Roadrunners beat the Quebec Nordiques, 5-3 at the Colisee de Quebec.

* The San Diego Mariners beat the Birmingham Bulls, 4-3 at the Jefferson County Civic Center in Birmingham, Alabama, now known as the Birmingham-Jefferson Convention Complex.

* The Houston Aeros beat the Winnipeg Jets, 3-1 at the Winnipeg Arena.

* And the Calgary Cowboys beat the Minnesota Fighting Saints, 4-3 at the Stampede Corral in Calgary. 

Thursday, October 6, 2022

October 6, 1976: President Ford's Eastern European Debate Gaffe

October 6, 1976: A Presidential debate is held. It includes a mistake that may have cost one of the candidates the election.

The 4 debates between John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon in 1960 were considered an overwhelming success. But in 1964, Lyndon Johnson had a big lead over Barry Goldwater, and thus no need to risk anything through a debate. He won in a landslide. In 1968, Richard Nixon had a big lead over Hubert Humphrey, and also saw no reason to risk it, even though Humphrey nearly caught him, and Nixon's win was a squeaker. In 1972, Nixon had a big lead over George McGovern, and didn't risk it, and won in a landslide.

But in 1976, President Gerald Ford was running as a Republican Party nominee who had been elected neither President nor Vice President. Running for a term in his own right, he badly trailed the Democratic Party nominee, former Governor Jimmy Carter of Georgia, due to the lingering feeling over the Watergate scandal that forced Nixon to resign, Ford's pardon of Nixon, the economic recession that Nixon left Ford and Ford was still struggling to end, and a general feeling of listlessness in the country. Ford needed something, and so he challenged Carter to a series of debates. Carter, wanting to prove himself against the incumbent, accepted.

On September 23, the 1st of 3 debates was held. Since this was the year of America's Bicentennial, celebrating the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia in 1776, many major events had been held in Philadelphia that year. So it made sense to hold one of the debates there. It was held at what was, and remains, America's oldest continuously operating entertainment venue, the Walnut Street Theatre.

This debate, focusing on domestic policy, is remembered not for what was said, but for what couldn't be said. An hour and 21 minutes in, almost to the point where the closing arguments would have to be given, Carter was answering a question, and the sound cut out. And Ford and Carter just stood at their podiums, not saying a word, for 27 minutes, until the sound was fixed, and they were able to complete the debate.

Most observers thought the debate was inconclusive. But, in a way, that helped both men: Ford needed a good result to help his comeback, and Carter needed to appear "Presidential" alongside the incumbent.

*

The 2nd Presidential debate was held on October 6, at the Palace of Fine Arts in San Francisco, focusing on foreign policy. Max Frankel, foreign affairs correspondent for The New York Times, asked Ford about the Helsinki Accords, negotiated the previous year. Conservatives alleged that the Accords conceded too much to the Soviet Union.

Ford pointed out that Pope Paul VI had endorsed the Accords, the implication being that the head of the Roman Catholic Church had anti-Communist credentials that could not be questioned. Ford suggested that the rest of the leaders of the NATO countries had endorsed the Accords. He made it sound like opposing the Accords was tantamount to disagreeing with all of these men who, presumably, knew what they were doing.

Had Ford stopped there, it would have been a great answer. Long accused of being dumb -- and, as a graduate of the University of Michigan and Yale University School of Law, he most certainly was not -- he had given a very thoughtful answer, which should have shored up his support among conservatives in general, Catholics, and people of Eastern European descent.

He did not stop there. He followed this with these words, making a downward slash with his hand to make his point: "There is no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe, and there never will be under a Ford Administration."

This statement was meant to suggest that it hadn't happened yet, and that he wouldn't let it happen. But most people knew that it had already happened, long before he took office, even before he was first elected to public office, to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1948.

Everybody watching was shocked. The whole point of the Warsaw Pact, the Soviets' organizational response to NATO, was to dominate Eastern Europe. As Winston Churchill put it in his 1946 speech that put a phrase into the world's lexicon, "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an Iron Curtain has descended across the Continent." With this statement, Ford seemed to be suggesting that the Warsaw Pact did not involve Soviet-influenced military enforcement of Communist law, and sometimes direct Soviet military enforcement.

Frankel threw Ford a potential lifeline. "Did I understand you to say, sir, that the Russians are not using Eastern Europe as their own sphere of influence in occupying most of the countries there?"

Ford answered: "I don't believe that the Yugoslavs consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union. I don't believe that the Romanians consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union. I don't believe that the Poles consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union."

He was right about the Yugoslavs, whose dictator Josip Broz Tito had famously resisted Joseph Stalin, and was still in power (he died in 1980), so the Soviets considered interference to be not worth the effort. He was right about the Romanians, whom the Soviets saw as being properly allied, so they knew that interference wasn't necessary. But the Poles? That was too far.

Ford had badly blundered, and, given the chance to redeem himself, he had deepened the hole he had dug for himself. It made him look like he had no idea of what was going on. It infuriated key voters in places filled with Europeans whose families had fled Soviet brutality.

With only a few seconds' worth of notice, Carter came up with the perfect response: "I'd like to see Mr. Ford convince Polish-Americans, and Czech-Americans, and Hungarian-Americans that those countries don't live under the supervision and control of the Soviet Union behind the Iron Curtain."

Carter had figured out the right countries to mention, in addition to Poland: It had been only 8 years since the Soviets had crushed the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia, and 20 years since they had crushed the Hungarian Revolution. This would have been like, from 2008 onward, properly responding to a candidate saying that the destruction of the World Trade Center was an accident.

Ford's chief pollster, Bob Teeter, later said, "The controversy used up valuable campaign days when there were all too few left, when a steady climb had to be sustained." In other words, the Republicans had to spend time dealing with this gaffe when they would rather have spent time on issues that favored them and put the Democrats on the defensive.

*

On October 15, for the 1st time, the major-party nominees for Vice President had a televised debate. It was held at the Alley Theatre in Houston. The Democratic nominee, Senator Walter Mondale of Minnesota, was calm. The Republican nominee, Senator Bob Dole of Kansas, was less so, and may have been another factor that cost Ford the election.

Mondale thought it appropriate to mention the Watergate scandal that forced Nixon from office. It was appropriate not only because Ford had pardoned Nixon, but because, on June 17, 1972, the night that the burglars broke into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate complex in Washington, Senator Dole was doing double duty as the Chairman of the Republican National Committee.

Let the record show that Dole was not then, nor has since, been seriously accused of any involvement in the various crimes that have fallen under the umbrella term "Watergate."

Dole, himself a wounded veteran of World War II,  responded by saying, "It is an appropriate topic, I guess, but it's not a very good issue, any more than the war in Vietnam would be, or World War II, or World War I, or the war in Korea, all Democrat wars, all in this century. I figured up the other day, if we added up the killed and wounded in Democrat wars in this century, it would be about 1.6 million Americans, enough to fill the city of Detroit."

Dole was usually smart enough to be a very savvy political operator, gathering or "whipping" votes to pass, or block, legislation as needed. But doing that, behind the scenes, is one thing: Being the spokesperson for your own thoughts and ideas is another.

This answer was completely stupid, and not just because his math was way off. Detroit's population had peaked in 1950, at 1.8 million, and was still about 1.5 million in the 1970 Census. By 1976, though, "white flight" had reduced it to about 1.3 million. It dropped under 1 million in 1994, and it kept declining, all the way to 631,000 by 2022. No major U.S. city has had so sharp a decline. (UPDATE: In 2024, the city was believed to have gained about 2,000 residents, its first gain in any calendar year since 1957. In 2025, it was believed to have gotten back to 650,000.)

In World War I, about 117,000 U.S. military personnel died; in World War II, about 405,000; in the Korean War, about 37,000; and in the Vietnam War, about 59,000; for an estimated total of 626,000. Dole had inflated the figure by 2 1/2 times.

Regarding which Party had "started" or was behind the wars: The Vietnam War started under Dole's idol, fellow Kansan Dwight D. Eisenhower; and the others, once Democratic Presidents got America involved, Republicans in Congress wholeheartedly supported the war efforts. Indeed, with World War I, Republicans wanted it more than Democrats; and in World War II, Republicans didn't want to get involved at first, because, being greedy, pro-private property, and thus anti-Communist, they supported the fascist Axis against the Soviet Union.

Mondale and Dole would each later receive his Party's nomination for President -- and each would lose badly. In neither case was it because he did badly in that election's debates. But, looking back, Dole admitted that his remark had hurt the Ford campaign.

*

On October 22, Ford and Carter had their 3rd and final debate, at Phi Beta Kappa Hall on the campus of the College of William and Mary, in the colonial, and thus Bicentennial-connected, city of Williamsburg, Virginia. This debate was notable partly because it didn't have a gaffe, by either candidate; but also because Carter was asked about an earlier gaffe, an interview he had given to journalist Robert Scheer for Playboy magazine.

Scheer asked Carter, a Southern Baptist and a Sunday school teacher at his church in Plains, Georgia, "Do you feel you've reassured people with this interview, people who are uneasy about your religious beliefs, who wonder if you're going to make a rigid, unbending President?"

Carter cited Matthew 5:28:

I'm not speaking for other people, but it gives me a sense of peace and equanimity and assurance. I try not to commit a deliberate sin. I recognize that I'm going to do it anyhow, because I'm human and I'm tempted. And Christ set some almost impossible standards for us. Christ said, "I tell you that anyone who looks on a woman with lust has in his heart already committed adultery."

I've looked on a lot of women with lust. I've committed adultery in my heart many times. This is something that God recognizes I will do, and I have done it, and God forgives me for it. But that doesn't mean that I condemn someone who not only looks on a woman with lust, but who leaves his wife and shacks up with somebody out of wedlock.

Scheer called it a "sensible statement," reflecting Carter's Baptist tradition: "He was saying, look, I'm not going to be some fanatic... I'm not this perfect guy." But the media and the era's comedians began to treat Carter as a leering sex fiend -- when the whole point was that he wasn't: Yes, he had these feelings; but, no, he didn't act on them.

For the record, no one was accusing Ford of acting on such feelings. There was a Special Prosecutor appointed to look at an issue with Ford's taxes. With retroactive irony, that Prosecutor, Charles Ruff, later served as one of President Bill Clinton's lawyers during the 1998-99 Monica Lewinsky scandal.

At one point, trying to tie Ford to Watergate, which he had not been involved in, but reminding people that Nixon's taxes had also been investigated, Carter said in his speeches, "I don't know what the facts are about Mr. Ford and his income tax. He does." The implication was, What was Ford hiding? Ruff closed his investigation a few days before the election, and said he had found no wrongdoing on Ford's part.

In that 3rd debate, Carter admitted that he'd made a mistake in granting the Playboy interview in the first place. The admission did what the interview was supposed to do: It humanized him. But the interview had halted the surge he got after the gaffes of Ford and Dole. Polls began to show the race had become a virtual tie.

On November 2, Carter won in a very close vote. Had either Ford or Dole not blown it in their debates, Ford could well have won.

Of course, given everything that happened from 1977 to 1980, maybe Ford was better off having lost, anyway. What I called "a general feeling of listlessness in the country" that had beset Ford's entire Presidency also beset Carter's. In a 1979 speech, he called it "a crisis of confidence." The next day, his speechwriter Hendrik Hertzberg called it "a malaise," and that became a label that Carter could never shake, just as Ford could never shake his debate gaffe.

*

October 6, 1976 was a Wednesday. All-Star baseball pitcher Freddy Garcia was born.

Baseball was between the end of its regular season and the start of its Playoffs. Football was in midweek. And it was too early for the basketball and hockey seasons to start. So there were no scores on this historic day.

Monday, September 26, 2022

September 26, 1994: President Clinton's Health Care Reform Effort Dies

September 26, 1994: What had been considered a great chance at achieving some form of health care reform dies. It would take another 16 years, and 2 Presidents, before another serious attempt was made.

In 1992, Governor Bill Clinton of Arkansas ran for President, and national health care was a big part of his platform. He made the point that there were only two industrialized nations without national health care: The United States of America, and South Africa. At the time, South Africa was not a country you wanted your own to be compared to.

Clinton won in a landslide, mainly due to the state of the American economy as a whole, but health care was a big part of it. On September 22, 1993, Clinton made a major speech to Congress, announcing a program that was aimed at achieving universal coverage through a national health care plan. This was one of the most prominent items on Clinton's legislative agenda, and resulted from a task force headed by First Lady Hillary Clinton.

The plan was hardly extreme, or radical. It was not as far to the left as the plan put forward by former President Theodore Roosevelt when he ran to regain the office in 1912; or as far to the left as the plan put forward by President Harry Truman as part of his Fair Deal program in 1949; or even as far to the left as the plan put forward by President Richard Nixon in 1974. (He may have thought it would convince Democrats to focus on that instead of Watergate. They didn't.)

But pretty much every conservative in America, in public office and in the media, called the Clinton plan "Communism," "Socialism," "socialized medicine," "extreme," and, in reflection of the fact that the First Lady was unpopular, "Hillarycare."

There had been a tradition where, since the Presidency had to be respected, and the President himself couldn't be attacked, another major figure in the office faced the vitriol. For Franklin Roosevelt, it was his wife and chief advisor, Eleanor. For Harry Truman, it was Secretary of State Dean Acheson. For Dwight D. Eisenhower, it was Chief of Staff Sherman Adams. For John F. Kennedy, it was his brother and Attorney General, Robert F. Kennedy.

The Vietnam War made it possible for Lyndon Johnson to become the 1st President to really face that kind of anger, and so every President since has faced it. Still, conservatives hated Hillary more than they hated Bill.

Senator Bob Dole of Kansas, the Minority Leader, practically already running for President in the 1996 election, led the chorus of Republicans saying, "America has the best health care system in the world" (ignoring the fact that America had the worst way of paying for it), and, "There isn't any crisis in health care" (which, for millions of Americans, was a bald-faced lie).

The American Medical Association, which led the opposition that stopped Truman's measure when it looked like a done deal, launched a multimedia assault. On September 8, 1993, the Health Insurance Association of America (HIAA) launched the "Harry and Louise" ads, a series showing a couple, played by Harry Johnson and Louise Clare Clark, worrying about what the Clinton plan would do to their lives.

Not to America on the whole, as they never mentioned the dreaded words "socialized medicine." To themselves, on a personal level, in a way that was intended to resonate with the average American family. It sure did: Support for Hillarycare crashed.

Clinton was willing to compromise a little, as long as whatever bill that hit his desk covered everybody. But on January 25, 1994, he delivered the State of the Union Address, and threw down the gauntlet. He held up a pen, and told Congress:

I want to make this very clear. I am open, as I have said repeatedly, to the best ideas of concerned Members of both Parties. I have no special brief for any specific approach, even in our own bill, except this: If you send me legislation that does not guarantee every American private health insurance that can never be taken away, you will force me to take this pen, veto the legislation, and we'll come right back here and start all over again.
But I don't think that's going to happen. I think we're ready to act now. I believe that you're ready to act now. And if you're ready to guarantee every American the same health care that you have, health care that can never be taken away, now -- not next year, or the year after -- now is the time to stand with the people who sent us here, now.
He thought he had the cards. Or maybe he didn't think so, and he thought he could bluff. He couldn't. On January 10, the Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, which was key to drafting a bill, had gone on NBC's Sunday morning news program, Meet the Press. His name was Daniel Patrick "Pat" Moynihan.

He told the show's moderator, Tim Russert, who had once been an aide of his, "We don't have a health care crisis in this country. But we do have a welfare crisis." It was a shocking remark to a Democratic viewer not old enough to remember 1965. It was not shocking to those old enough to remember that year, when, as Assistant Secretary of Labor under President Lyndon B. Johnson, Moynihan had issued a report that essentially blamed black people for their own poverty.

Such a belief forced him out of the Administration, but also led the next President, Nixon, a Republican, to bring him back. Moynihan got elected to the Senate in 1976, and was beloved by his New York constituents for bring home helpful projects -- "pork-barrel spending," or just "pork," in Washington lingo -- but he never lifted a finger for health care reform in his long political career.

This time, when it was absolutely necessary, he refused to even hold a hearing on a reform bill, Clinton's or anyone else's. Not even the Republicans' own alternative to it, which was basically a compromise that kept private insurance, but allowed Medicaid to accept costs.

Other Committee Chairmen -- Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts on Senate Labor and Human Resources, Robert Byrd of West Virginia on Senate Appropriations, Jim Sasser of Tennessee on Senate Budget, Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois on House Ways and Means -- held hearings. Moynihan, on Senate Finance? Not one hearing. I have never forgiven him for that.

That same year, South Africa held its first all-races election. Nelson Mandela's party won. He was sworn in as President. The first bill he signed into law had nothing specific to do with easing race relations. It was to establish national health care.

That left only one industrialized nation without it. "God bless America."

Clinton had been juggling priorities, "spending his political capital" as best he could, basically running out of that capital to get the Crime Bill passed on September 13, 1994. On September 26, Senator George Mitchell of Maine, the Majority Leader, announced that no further hearings would be held, accepting the truth that they would be a waste of time. Clinton accepted this. It was a surrender.

The Democrats paid for their successful effort to pass a crime bill with gun control legislation, and for their failed effort to pass "socialized medicine": On November 8, the Republicans won the Congressional elections, winning majorities in both houses.

Times changed. In 2008, the same actors who played Harry and Louise appeared in a short film that aired at the Democratic National Convention, saying that it was time to reform health care. In 2010, the Affordable Care Act, a.k.a. Obamacare -- basically, the main Republican alternative to Hillarycare in 1993-94 -- passed, without one single Republican vote. Again, the Republicans called it "extreme" and "socialized medicine." This time, they lost, and the American people won.

As of September 26, 2022, Harry Johnson and Louise Clare Clark are still alive. (UPDATE: Harry died in 2024.)

*

September 26, 1994 was a Monday. Baseball's Strike of '94 was on, and the remainder of the season, including the postseason, had been canceled. It was too early for the NBA and NHL seasons to start. There was 1 score on this historic day: On ABC Monday Night Football, the Buffalo Bills beat the Denver Broncos, 27-20 at Rich Stadium in the Buffalo suburb of Orchard Park, New York. The stadium would later be renamed Ralph Wilson Stadium, New Era Field, Bills Stadium and Highmark Stadium.

December 31, 1999 & January 1, 2000: The Millennium

December 31, 1999:  The Millennium arrives. The people of planet Earth survived. At a terrible cost. But we hadn't destroyed ourselves. ...